Game Overview. Sweat Mode Exercising has never been so fun! Co-op mode Play with friends and share the fun with co-op mode. Work together to get the highest score! Kid-friendly songs Enjoy eight new kid-friendly songs and choreographies for a family-fun experience. Just Dance Controller app Use your smartphone to track moves with the Just Dance Controller app — no additional accessories required! View the song list.
Select Version Digital. Edition Standard Edition. Expand Expand. Timba remains, nevertheless, a type of dance music that is sung. Why dance music needs to be sung? Such complex question raises many issues of content, but also invites us to pay attention to aspects such as the intensification of expression through the adoption of a particular language and to the mark represented by the voice of the individual singer.
Singers, in fact, occupy an extremely important place in the live performance of Cuban MB, where bands are fronted by 3 or 4 singers whose personalities seem to be considered by audiences as far more relevant and unique than those of instrumentalists. Language has been for MB one important element by which constructing its black identity.
Dance songs, such as for example those of the early Charanga Habanera, made copious use of expressions such as wanikiki , fula , chen respectively: money, dollar, exchange. This use of slang as a coded language of marginal people has been common throughout the Atlantic diaspora, and has marked the identity of low-class Blacks as a separate social group eg, Rose ; Averill It has had its roots in the times of slavery, but has extended to contemporary black popular culture.
In a way similar to rap, timba composers who write for a largely black audience have adopted the language of the street to elicit the identification of Afro-Cubans with their songs. The adoption of Afro-Cuban street jargon has stressed the distance of timba from other, more cultivated types of Cuban popular song. Finally, the meaning of timba songs depends obviously as well on their verbal content, one of the most evident but at the same time most elusive aspects of popular music.
In the mids, for example, various songs were attacked because of their alleged references to prostitution. In the verbal text, the narrator declares his desire for a beautiful young woman, but claims he has no financial means to support her. Y se supone que ya yo no estoy preparado para ciertas cosas y caminando por la vida voy creyendo que todo es color de rosas. At the close of the tema , then, the narrator states that his girlfriend needs a temba, that is, a middle-aged, affluent man.
These coros are reiterative, strongly syllabic, short and incisive, and constitute an element of marked musical contrast with the tema. It should be remembered that, as a rule, the second section represents the real focus of timba songs, the part most popular with and most easily remembered by audiences. This was, in fact, the way many people read the song in Cuba at the time of its release.
In order to defend himself from the assault of his detractors, the composer and leader of the band David Calzado claimed that his song did not mean to offend women, but was intended as a criticism against materialism Manrique In other words, what really seemed to count in those types of songs was not the clarity of the message or the explicit stance on specific issues, but a kaleidoscope of meanings that were often in contrast with each other, and were generated through of a web of references that encompassed words, sounds, visual and contextual information.
That strategy, which allowed songs to generate multiple meanings and be interpreted from conflicting angles, is typical of popular music and has proved particularly valuable to timberos in order to avoid problems with censorship.
In the case of Cuba, the celebration of sensuality and hedonism expressed by timba songs could be read along an evolutionary line of mostly black styles of popular music, but also as an expression that challenged more acceptable types of popular music and disputed over the everyday scarcity and the mainstream moral standards preaching work, family values and a restrained sexuality.
Like many other types of African and Latin American danced forms, timba as a dance has often been portrayed as a representation of tropical exuberance, not only by outsiders but also by many people in Cuba. However, the anti-elitist scope and positioning of timba in Cuban society has sometimes been explicitly articulated by its practitioners.
Those who are part of the elite. What do they want? They would like that MB never existed, or would like to see a MB made for them, with affected lyrics, difficult words. Besides being an immensely popular pastime, from the point of view of timba dancers, thus, dancing has constructed a range of meanings.
A look at the perception of MB in contemporary Cuban society is, in itself, quite revealing. Music and dance are today hailed on the island as the very essence of Cuban-ness, yet frequently seen with discomfort and even conceit in political and intellectual circles. Such a perception, indeed not so different from the way dance music is conceived in the West, has deep roots in the past. As in the rest of the Americas, black popular music and dance have often been judged by the dominant classes according to a double standard, as means to experience a social and sexual frisson with the lower classes and as causes of moral and cultural decay.
Even after the revolution, the mainstream attitude towards black Cuban culture has not radically changed: beyond a nominal acknowledgment, in fact, the revolutionary leadership has for many years proved distrustful of black popular culture and expression De la Fuente , Hagedorn In , for example, the Cuban authorities closed down all dance venues in Havana, a city traditionally bursting with venues catering to all classes and social groups.
Most of them remained closed for two decades until the s, when, mainly due to the new role attained by music and dance as a magnet for foreign tourism, the authorities decided to re-open some old venues and inaugurate new dance halls in the capital city and elsewhere. Cuban dance musicians have repeatedly lamented the prejudice against MB on part of the media, which have often portrayed it as a form of entertainment mostly practiced by members of the lower classes read: Blacks , prone to drunkenness and violence [13].
Even in the present, the perception of MB in Cuba continues to appear problematic and very often mixes with prejudices against Blacks. Still today Cuban dancers have very few venues where they can afford to go, and during weekends they may well find La Tropical, the Mecca of Havana dancers, heavily patrolled by the police.
In the late s, MB has come under attack not only from Cuban censors, but also from advocates of national cultural identity and practitioners of other musical styles, who may all have had a vested interest in doing so. Revivalists have accused timba of being too xenophile and alien to the spirit of true national culture.
Trovadores and supporters of Cuban rock have accused it of being too commercialized and offering a negative model for the youth [14]. Interestingly, similar arguments on the social inappropriateness and lack of morality of contemporary MB have recently resurfaced in the polemics surrounding the popularity of reggaeton among Cuban teenagers [16].
The accusations of escapism, in a way, represent the opposite argument that can be made against timba. That is, that timba is escapist music prone to political manipulation by the regime, a social pressure valve provided to low-class Cubans to let off steam. This view may contain some grain of truth, but is also reminiscent of the criticisms ritually levelled at dance music in the West.
From its socially crucial but culturally underrated position, in fact, most popular music in Cuba under the revolution, and particularly MB, have generally proved rather impervious to political propaganda Medin The search for an explanation of the departure of dance music from instances of political control poses intriguing questions.
Taking MB at face value, obviously, one might argue that dance music is simply about having a good time. But it is also possible to speculate that such disengagement has been the result of a strategy of adaptation by dance musicians, who have sought to avoid direct involvement with propaganda and keep their music inside a relatively un-policed public space.
During the s, then, they have used such space as a springboard to launch their musical challenges and gain more popular recognition. Timba, therefore, has found itself caught in the crossfire of a variety of misconceptions.
Richard Jenkins Devine as Devine. Nick Cannon Scott as Scott. Sarah Lafleur Carolyn as Carolyn. Onalee Ames Diane as Diane. Diana Salvatore Tina as Tina. Daphne Korol Daphne as Daphne. Peter Chelsom. More like this. Watch options. Storyline Edit. John Clark is a middle aged Chicago estate lawyer. He loves his family, which includes his wife Beverly, but their combined busy schedules and getting caught in a rut after two decades of marriage has left him feeling unfulfilled. While taking the el train home every night, he notices the same young, beautiful contemplative woman staring out of one of the windows of Miss Mitzi's Dance Studio, which specializes in ballroom.
He is intrigued enough with her beauty and sadness to go in one evening on his way home. He learns that she is Paulina, one of the instructors and a former world class ballroom dancer.
Because of her, he signs up for beginner group dance lessons, regardless of them being taught by Miss Mitzi herself, and not Paulina. As time progresses, John gets caught up in the lives of those at Miss Mitzi's: his two fellow classmates - overweight Vern who wants to learn to dance for his upcoming wedding, and Chic, who wants to impress the ladies - and two of the studio's competitive amateurs, opinionated and brash Bobbie, who is looking for a dance partner, and one person who surprises John and who just wants to be able to show his true colors to the world while hiding under a mask.
But as Paulina slowly allows herself to be involved in their lives as well, despite she vowing not to fraternize with the students, John comes to the spoken realization of what he was looking for when he first spotted Paulina in the window. Similarly, each of those at the dance studio are looking for their small place in life with the right person, Paulina included. John may not get the happy ending that he wants as Beverly, based on circumstances, believes he is having an affair. Step out of the ordinary.
Comedy Drama Music Romance. Rated PG for some sexual references and brief language. Did you know Edit. According to news sources, the jewelry was stolen from a vehicle on the movie set and found in a downtown hotel room. The murder was written about in the book "Trophy Kill - The Shall We Dance Murder " by true-crime author "Dan Zupandsky" who interacted with the suspect and in turn became a key role in the investigation. The victim's name was Robin Greene.
Goofs A major plot point is John's realization during the dance competition that his wife and daughter are in the audience, meaning they have discovered his secret. However, the idea that Bobbie would hear someone in the crowd yelling "Go, Dad!
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